http://adum.um.edu.my/index.php/mjir/issue/feedMJIR | Malaysian Journal of International Relations2023-12-25T21:36:59+08:00Khoo Ying Hooiyinghooi@um.edu.myOpen Journal Systems<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>The Malaysian Journal of International Relations, MJIR (ISSN 2600-8181)</strong> is an open-access, peer-reviewed journal published annually by the <a href="http://fass.um.edu.my/departments/international-strategic-studies">Department of International and Strategic Studies</a>, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, Universiti Malaya. The MJIR welcomes original contributions related to international relations, foreign policy, diplomacy, political science, international political economy, strategic and security studies, and related fields, to be considered for publication. In particular, the journal welcomes manuscripts with a focus on international relations in the Asia-Pacific.</p> <div>eISSN: <a href="https://portal.issn.org/resource/ISSN/2600-8181">2600-8181</a><br />Print ISSN: <a href="https://portal.issn.org/resource/ISSN/2289-5043">2289-5043</a><br />Publication Type: Electronic and Print<br />Publication frequency: 1 time, per year (December)<br />Journal Website: mjir.um.edu.my<br />Publisher: Department of International and Strategic Studies, Universiti Malaya, Malaysia</div> <div>Enquiries: editor_mjir@um.edu.my<br />Indexed and Abstracted by <a href="https://doaj.org/toc/2600-8181?source=%7B%22query%22%3A%7B%22filtered%22%3A%7B%22filter%22%3A%7B%22bool%22%3A%7B%22must%22%3A%5B%7B%22terms%22%3A%7B%22index.issn.exact%22%3A%5B%222289-5043%22%2C%222600-8181%22%5D%7D%7D%2C%7B%22term%22%3A%7B%22_type%22%3A%22article%22%7D%7D%5D%7D%7D%2C%22query%22%3A%7B%22match_all%22%3A%7B%7D%7D%7D%7D%2C%22size%22%3A100%2C%22_source%22%3A%7B%7D%7D">Directory of Open Acess Journals (DOAJ)</a>; <a href="https://search.crossref.org/?q=MJIR">Crossref</a>; <a href="http://www.myjurnal.my/public/browse-journal-view.php?id=403">MyCite (Malaysian Citation Index)</a>; <a href="http://road.issn.org/">Directory of Open Access Scholarly Resources (ROAD)</a></div> <p> </p>http://adum.um.edu.my/index.php/mjir/article/view/37324India’s relations with Saudi Arabia and UAE under the Modi Government2022-09-12T04:58:44+08:00Sumant Kumarsumant4jnu@gmail.com<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">India is home to the third-largest Muslim population, any internal policy changes affect Muslim voters including bilateral relations with neighbours and Gulf countries. Despite, several criticisms, the Modi government gained some objections over the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and National Population Register (NPR), and National Register of Citizens (NRC) issues at the national level. Nonetheless, the government has regained a second term in India. Modi's foreign policies not only made a new high in the bilateral relationship with Islamic countries in the Gulf, but amicability had changed significantly. Both Saudi Arabia and the UAE in West Asia are rebuilding a new friendship era with India. After the decline of oil demand from the Western Countries, Gulf countries’ expectations have increased to re-draw their approach towards New Delhi. Retrospectively, it also provided several opportunities from both sides (India and Saudi Arabia-UAE) to boost their ties including a joint naval exercise between the UAE and India, an invitation by the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation to Sushma Swaraj, the inauguration of a Hindu temple in the UAE by Narendra Modi as well as the Crown prince Mohammed bin Salman visit to New Delhi. These are a few steps from both India and Saudi Arabia-UAE sides to re-energize their relationship. Therefore, this paper discusses how the Modi government despite numerous challenges able to enhance a new era of the bilateral relationship with Saudi Arabia and the UAE. This research extensively covers the aspects of the economic, military, and strategic relationships which include both side visits and MoU.</span></p>2023-12-25T00:00:00+08:00Copyright (c) 2023 MJIR | Malaysian Journal of International Relationshttp://adum.um.edu.my/index.php/mjir/article/view/40490The Elements of Sea Power and the Indo-Pacific Strategy of the West Asian Region2023-03-12T07:53:45+08:00Javed Zafarjzunivers@gmail.com<p>During the last three decades, China has made significant progress, especially in the fields of economic development, defence, science and technology, and multilateral cooperation. Its emergence as a global power has also increasingly been challenging the US position. Many economic and strategic initiatives taken by China have provided it with strategic space and depth in the neighbouring region as well as the world also. The country is now openly displaying its military power and acting as a hegemon in the South and the East China Sea. The US is trying to counter the emerging influence of China by developing different alliances and partnerships in the Asia-Pacific and other regions. Thus, rivalry and tension have been increasing between China and the US and its allies. The present study analyses the designs of these emerging tensions and conflicts in the Indo-Pacific Region (IPR). The neighbouring West Asian Region (WAR), a playground of different global powers, is also a crucial region for the Indo-Pacific strategic game plan. The WAR has historically been dominated by the West and is therefore an integral part of their strategic thinking. Therefore, the necessity for the WAR to precisely define its strategic interest and responsibility for all surrounding regions and global powers has also been discussed. A discussion has also been made of current naval strength and how to unite it into a single unit. The geopolitical vision of Alfred Thayer Mahan in the form of the ‘Elements of Sea Powers’ has also been analysed to conclude as to how the WAR should adopt them to become a great naval power. In conclusion, the study also provides many suggestions and options for WAR’s Indo-Pacific strategy. The paper is based on secondary data. Meanwhile, the analytical descriptive approach adopted for the present research is based on the analysis of historical facts, discourse, and political developments. The data is collected from various books, journals, government portals, reports, newspapers, and publications of many institutions and organisations.</p>2023-12-25T00:00:00+08:00Copyright (c) 2023 MJIR | Malaysian Journal of International Relationshttp://adum.um.edu.my/index.php/mjir/article/view/41561The Re-emergence of Parang Sabil: A Foucauldian Discourse Analysis on Suicide Terrorism Phenomenon in the Philippine2023-05-18T13:54:58+08:00Kebart Licayankebart001@e.ntu.edu.sgFrancis Estebanfesteban@feu.edu.ph<p>Terrorists and the threat of terrorism know no pandemic, as the 2020 Jolo suicide bomber incident vividly demonstrates. One of the signs of the new age of Philippine terrorism is the emergence of suicide terrorism. However, the lack of adequate explanations for the phenomenon shows that suicide terrorism is still a poorly researched topic in Philippine terrorism studies. This paper aims to contribute to the literature by investigating the power dynamics, specifically looking at how the phenomenon is interpreted by scholars using the Foucauldian Discourse Analysis. This study presents several scholarly arguments, examines how these arguments are created, and looks into the implications of their understandings. We argue that scholars hold the power to interpret the phenomenon. Their interpretations are crucial in policymaking. The results reveal that the limited information available allowed for such a diverse range of hypotheses. Yet, despite the limitations, their initial interpretations are crucial in addressing the issue at this time. This highlights the importance of scholars in this setting. The truths revealed here may or may not have an impact on unique community conditions.</p>2023-12-25T00:00:00+08:00Copyright (c) 2023 MJIR | Malaysian Journal of International Relationshttp://adum.um.edu.my/index.php/mjir/article/view/43912Unravelling President Obama’s Myanmar Policy: Pragmatic Liberalism at Play2023-06-14T21:03:07+08:00Wui Chern Liewliewwuichern@gmail.comRoy Anthony Rogersrarogers@um.edu.myJatswan S. Sidhujatswanh@um.edu.my<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This study aims to examine the US’s Myanmar policy from the perspective of pragmatic liberalism and explore the primary factors behind the policy shift in 2009. It fills a gap in the literature by offering a rare analysis of US-Myanmar policy through the lens of pragmatic liberalism. The research methodology employs document search and elite interviews to gather comprehensive insights. The research questions focus on understanding how pragmatic liberalism manifested in Obama’s Myanmar policy and identifying the objectives he aimed to achieve. The findings reveal that Obama’s Myanmar policy aligns with the principles of pragmatic liberalism. It can be analysed through two dimensions: modelling creation and hegemony maintenance. Within the context of Sino-US competition, the primary factor driving the US's policy change in Myanmar is China. Consequently, the US’s policy shift aims to establish a new strategic partner to contain Chinese influence in Southeast Asia, thereby maintaining US hegemony in the region. This study contributes to the understanding of US-Myanmar relations and sheds light on the underlying motivations and dynamics of the US’s policy shift. By adopting a pragmatic liberalist approach, the US seeks to shape Myanmar’s trajectory while safeguarding its strategic interests in the region.</span></p>2023-12-25T00:00:00+08:00Copyright (c) 2023 MJIR | Malaysian Journal of International Relationshttp://adum.um.edu.my/index.php/mjir/article/view/43043Interpreting Japan’s Security Interests in the Korean Peninsula2023-04-20T22:25:42+08:00Sigitsigitcandrawiranatakusuma89@gmail.comTheofilus Josetfjoses07@gmail.comJefferson Winatajeffbachtiar97@gmail.com<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">This paper aims to interpret Japan's security interests in the Korean Peninsula using a qualitative research method and realism theory as the conceptual framework. During its empire periods, Japan was known for controlling several areas in Northeast Asia including Korea. Various inhumane treatment was carried out by Japan to the inhabitants of the Korean Peninsula for 35 years (1910-1945). But that treatment stopped after Japan's defeat in World War II in 1945. Korea, which was divided into two at that time, still hated Japan. But that hatred can be overcome by South Korea but not by North Korea. Some of the actions that endanger Japan were finally carried out by North Korea. Given that North Korea had lost the country that helped it, namely the Soviet Union, Pyongyang increased its behaviour that threatened Japan's security, such as using nuclear threats or launching ICBM over Japan’s air territory. Therefore, Japan must implement security policies that can counter North Korea’s threat. Such policies are postwar processing, security, economics, national sovereignty, and the safety of Japanese lives. This paper suggests that Japan must be able to defend itself from North Korean threats. Once safe, Japan can develop its economic interests. Then Japan can live and thrive and at the same time “expand” its leverage to the country that threatens it.</span></p>2023-12-25T00:00:00+08:00Copyright (c) 2023 MJIR | Malaysian Journal of International Relationshttp://adum.um.edu.my/index.php/mjir/article/view/43065The 21st Century Israel-Palestine Conflict Over Jerusalem and its Peace Processes2023-07-12T21:40:39+08:00Olileanya Ezugwuolileanyadi@gmail.com<p>Jerusalem is a depiction of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict's national politics and contrasting identities. The continuous rise in violence, with its devastating effect on peace and security prompts the examination of the conflict, various peace processes and the status of Jerusalem. The major objectives of this paper are to examine the Israel-Palestine conflict over Jerusalem in the 21st century and analyse the status of Jerusalem and different peace talks through external mediation and intervention. The theory of structural realism was adopted for this study; which, concerning the conflict over Jerusalem, emphasises that war is a significant, and fundamental instrument of change in international affairs. Secondary data was used in this paper, by reviewing and analysing data gathered from scholarly publications, journals, articles, and online materials. The paper finds an intensified increase of violence between Israel and Palestine, especially regarding the status of Jerusalem and Palestine as an independent state. The paper concludes that despite numerous peace processes and diplomatic efforts, a lasting resolution has remained elusive. The failure to achieve a comprehensive agreement stems from a combination of factors, including conflicting narratives, incompatibility of goals, deep-rooted mistrust, geopolitical complexities, and the influence of external actors. Peace, stability, and acceptable status of Jerusalem can only be initiated and resolved solemnly between Israel and Palestine, but until then, neither the status of Jerusalem nor Palestine would be defined.</p>2023-12-25T00:00:00+08:00Copyright (c) 2023 MJIR | Malaysian Journal of International Relationshttp://adum.um.edu.my/index.php/mjir/article/view/44179Understanding Turkish Cypriots’ Constantly Deepening Distrust Towards Greek Cypriots2023-07-12T21:09:41+08:00Yasin Temizkanyasintemizkan@yahoo.comJatswan S. Sidhujatswanh@um.edu.mySheila Devi Michaelsheilamike@um.edu.my<p>The island of Cyprus has held a permanent position on the agenda of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) for decades. The UNSC regularly adopts resolutions to extend the mandate of the UN Peacekeeping Force (UNFICYP). In 2023, UNSC Resolution 2674 reiterated several points, including “the importance of achieving an enduring, comprehensive and just settlement based on a bicommunal, bizonal federation with political equality” in Cyprus. The authorities of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) expressed their dissatisfaction with the resolution, highlighting that “the wording adapted in the resolution is completely detached from the realities on the ground and gives the rest of the world a misleading message.” This article aims to explain the reasons behind the TRNC authorities' perception of the UNSC resolution as detached from reality and misleading within the conceptual framework of trust. Trust is an essential prerequisite for cooperation, forming the foundation of common ground between two negotiating parties. By exploring the emotional aspects of the issue, this article argues that the historical trajectory of events, coupled with the current policies pursued by the Greek Cypriot authorities and the prevailing attitudes among the majority of Greek Cypriots, undeniably convinces Turkish Cypriots that Greek Cypriots would not engage in honest cooperation and would exploit Turkish Cypriots when presented with an opportunity.</p>2023-12-25T00:00:00+08:00Copyright (c) 2023 MJIR | Malaysian Journal of International Relationshttp://adum.um.edu.my/index.php/mjir/article/view/45248Deterred But Not Defeated: The Case of Abu Sayyaf’s Resilience2023-08-02T20:15:40+08:00Abdul Razak Ahmaddelpiso2000@gmail.comAhmad Zikri Rosliahmadzikrosli@gmail.com<p>The Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) is known for its criminal and terror operations. Since the group's base is located in islands in the southern Philippines such as Basilan and Sulu, its notorious activities have extended to neighbouring countries; Malaysia and Indonesia. Thereby, making the group a destabilising force for regional security. This article discusses the factors that shaped the resilience of the ASG by looking at the evolution of the group for more than three decades. The evolutionary phases of the group will be divided into four: the early years (the 1980s-2001), the post-9/11 tragedy (2002-2014), the rise of ISIS (2014-2017), and the post-ISIS (2018-Present). Based on the analysis of the group’s evolution, this article argues that the ability of the ASG to shift its focus of operations from criminal activities such as kidnapping for ransom and piracy to terrorist acts and vice versa has contributed to its resilience. Three interrelated factors have made possible for the fluidity of the group: the factionalised structure of the group, the existence of an international terrorist organization as a patron, and the convenience of committing crimes.</p>2023-12-25T00:00:00+08:00Copyright (c) 2023 MJIR | Malaysian Journal of International Relationshttp://adum.um.edu.my/index.php/mjir/article/view/43835China’s Rise and the Global Dilemma: Balancing Economic Interdependence vis-à-vis Rules-Based System?2023-05-18T13:25:33+08:00Sadia Rahmansadia.rahman@atauni.edu.tr<p>China's rise as an economic and geopolitical power has created a dilemma for the global community as it challenges the balance of economic interdependence vis-a-vis the rules-based system. China's growing assertiveness in the international arena and disregard for established international norms and rules has raised concerns about the future of the rules-based system and its impact on global governance. China's expanding military capabilities and assertive territorial claims have further fueled concerns about its intention to alter the existing global order. Thus, the article underscores that as a foreign policy tool, China has been using economic coercion, weaponising interdependence by leveraging its economic power over developing states to achieve political and strategic objectives. In addition, China has established parallel multilateral institutions to promote its interests and challenge the dominance of traditional Western-led institutions. These institutions provide an alternative to the existing global economic order, which China sees as being dominated by the West. The outcome of China's activism is that it has been able to form like-minded alliances at the United Nations and other prominent institutions, thereby posing a risk and an uncertain future for global governance and the balance of power in the international system. </p> <p> </p> <p><strong>Key Words</strong>: China, Economic Coercion, Weaponized Interdependence, Global Governance</p> <p> </p> <p> </p> <p> </p>2023-12-25T00:00:00+08:00Copyright (c) 2023 MJIR | Malaysian Journal of International Relationshttp://adum.um.edu.my/index.php/mjir/article/view/46237Schier, S. E., & Eberly, T. E. (Eds.). (2022). The Trump Effect: Disruption and Its Consequences in US Politics and Government. Rowman & Littlefield, 181pp.2023-08-28T14:20:36+08:00Innayathul Fitrieinnayathul.fitrie@student.president.ac.idNino Viartasiwinino.viartasiwi@president.ac.id<p>This book review aims to help readers examining the merit and demerit of the book edited by Schier and Eberly titled “The Trump Effect: Disruption and Its Consequences in US Politics and Government,” that was published in 2022. Trump’s administration had brought back the behavioural analysis in the International Relations study. The articles presented in the book illustrate how a leader’s agency can turned the course of domestic politics in democratic settings, as well as the global politics. How well the book convince its readers is the focus of our review.</p>2023-12-25T00:00:00+08:00Copyright (c) 2023 MJIR | Malaysian Journal of International Relations